Speeches & Floor Statements
Posted on November 4, 2009
Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Florida for his insightful remarks. I listened with interest to the Republican leader describe the congressional Democrats' bill, which is now about 2,000 pages. We know we do not have a Senate bill yet. It is being written behind closed doors somewhere, I think in the majority leader's office. We are not sure who is writing it. We will have it sooner or later. But we do know some things about the health care bills. Today what I would like to talk about is just one of those things. Then I want to suggest what the Republican plan is because we have a very different approach toward dealing with health care than the Democratic bills that we have seen. Today I want to talk about Medicare. Medicare is very important to about 40 million Americans and to a lot of other Americans who are about to be of the age to depend on Medicare. To get it down into a nutshell, here is what all of the plans we have seen so far from the Democratic side propose to do: to take about $1/2 trillion over 10 years from Medicare -- in other words, cut Medicare by $1/2 trillion, not to put into the Medicare Program to make it more solvent but to start a big new entitlement program called government-run health insurance for other people. We hear from the other side the Republicans are scaring people about Medicare. The Republicans aren't scaring anybody about Medicare, it is these Democratic bills that are scaring people about Medicare. And they have a right to be worried about them because the Medicare trustees have told us this program, that 40 million seniors depend on, is going to become insolvent between 2015 and 2017. That affects the 40 million of us who are already eligible and a part of Medicare, and it affects tens of millions more who will become eligible for it. The idea would be, if these bills are passed, to pay for new programs by cutting that $1/2 trillion from this program that is going broke. The Senator from Kansas, Mr. Brownback, described it this way. He said: This is a lot like writing a big check on an overdrawn bank account to buy a new car. He said: Your bank shouldn't let you do that, and the American people should not let us do this, and I don't think they will, which is why we are glad a number of the Democratic Senators joined with all 40 Republicans and said to the Democratic leader: We want two things about this health care bill by the time it gets to us. No. 1, we want to know what it does; and, No. 2, we want to know what it costs. What that means is, it should go up on the Internet for at least 72 hours, the complete text -- that is what the letter from the Democratic Senators, as well as Senator Bunning in the amendment he authored, said -- and, No. 2, we want a complete formal estimate from the Congressional Budget Office about what the bill costs because the American people are significantly worried about health care reform. That, as the Republican leader said, is supposed to reduce costs, reduce premiums, reduce the government's debt. But, instead, everything we heard about it so far makes it look like it is more likely to increase the cost of premiums, to increase taxes, and one thing we know for sure, it will cut Medicare. So let's talk about Medicare for a moment. A couple of weeks ago we had the first vote on health care reform. For the country, it was a fortunate vote because we saw a bipartisan act in the Senate. The proposal by the Democratic leader was to run up the debt another $1/4 trillion in Medicare spending. But 13 Democrats and all 40 Republicans were not going to do that. We have too much debt today. We had a deficit this year of $1.4 trillion, which is as much as the entire debt of the United States from the days of George Washington until 1990. So we all said: No, slowdown. It may be a worthy thing to do. It is important to deal with the physician reimbursement problem. But we are not going to start off the health care debate by borrowing $1/4 trillion for more Medicare spending. The Washington Post wrote about that proposal: A decade ago, Congress passed legislation designed to limit health-care costs by slowing the growth of Medicare payments to doctors. Each year, Congress passes a patch to prevent the cuts from taking effect. [The Senator from Michigan] proposed to make this system "honest", [in her words] by eliminating the cuts permanently...it's a strange interpretation [the Washington Post said] of honesty to separate this $250 billion cost from the health-care bill and then claim that the other bill doesn't raise the deficit. Fortunately, the Senate came to its senses and said no. We are not going to raise the debt $1/4 trillion for more Medicare spending. But the House Democrats -- who came up with a 2,000-page bill they say they may be voting on in the next few days -- apparently did not get that message. Their 2,000-page bill did not include the fix, or the physician reimbursement, which we all know is a part of health care reform. It is a part of the Medicare system. It has to do with the amount of money doctors are paid for seeing Medicare patients. It has to be dealt with. Yet they have left it out to the side and, again, we have a proposal that adds to the deficit $1/4 trillion. A Wall Street Journal editorial this week, appropriately titled "The Worst Bill Ever," notes this absence by saying: The House pretends [as some Senators did] that Medicare payments to doctors will be cut by 21.5 percent next year and deeper after that, "saving" about $250 billion. According to the Wall Street Journal, making those kinds of assumptions means the 2000-page bill that has been written in the House is more likely to cost closer to $2 trillion over 10 years instead of $1 trillion. So we know the era of the 1,000-page bill is over because we have a 2,000-page bill; and I guess the era of the $1 trillion legislative proposal is over because we have a $2 trillion health care proposal being considered in the House. The article in the Wall Street Journal goes: All this is particularly reckless given the unfunded liabilities of Medicare -- now north of $37 trillion over 75 years. In other words, over the next 75 years we have $37 trillion in obligations that the Medicare Program has, $37 trillion more than we have money coming in. How is that going to make you feel if you are part of the Medicare Program and some Member of Congress says: OK, we are going to take this program with $37 trillion in unfunded liabilities, a program on which you rely for your Medicare, and we are going to cut it by $429 billion in order to start a new program for somebody else? I think you are going to say: I don't like that very much. I don't like the sound of it. And, increasingly, as Americans read these bills and understand what it costs and understand what they mean to each American, they come to that same conclusion. So we wait with great interest to see what bill the Senate majority leader will bring from behind his closed doors when he takes the 1,500-page Finance Committee bill and the 900-page -- nearly 900-page -- HELP Committee bill in the Senate and puts it together, I assume, with this 2,000-page bill in the House, and all of them depend on cutting Medicare for about half of their costs. Any reductions in Medicare, any savings in Medicare, any elimination of waste, fraud, and abuse in Medicare should go to Medicare. We should not be cutting grandma's Medicare to spend money on somebody else. We ought to save money in grandma's Medicare to spend on grandma because grandma's Medicare Program is going broke. That is what the Medicare trustees have told us. What does this mean for seniors? The Senator from Florida outlined them: Nearly $140 billion in cuts to Medicare Advantage -- one out of four seniors, I believe, has a Medicare Advantage Program -- nearly $150 billion in Medicare cuts to hospitals that care for seniors, more than $40 billion from home health agencies, nearly $8 billion from hospices. My understanding is the House bill also makes roughly $100 billion in Medicare cuts for hospitals that care for seniors -- this is the House bill -- $57 billion from home health agencies, and nearly $24 billion from nursing homes. While the President stated that while "people who are currently signed up for Medicare Advantage are going to have Medicare at the same level of benefits...." That was President Obama. Yet the Congressional Budget Office Director, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office Director, said after looking at the Senate Finance health care bill that fully half of the benefits currently provided to seniors under Medicare Advantage would disappear. The Congressional Budget Office Director said the charges would reduce the extra benefits, such as dental, vision, and hearing coverage, that would be made available to beneficiaries. What about the cost to the government? Remember, as the Republican leader said, we thought health care reform was about cost. I remember being invited -- I appreciated it very much -- to a summit President Obama had earlier this year on entitlement spending. The President said he needed to work on that, and every speaker who was there said that if we do not do something about health care spending, about Medicaid and about Medicare, we are going to go broke as a country and that almost all of our debt and deficit problems are related to health care spending. So our goal here is to reduce the cost of premiums to individual Americans and reduce the cost of government to individual Americans. That should be our goal. But according to the Congressional Budget Office, the cost of the 2,000-page House bill reflects a gross spending total of over $1 trillion. Now, who thinks we can spend another $1 trillion without adding to the debt? I don't think many Americans do. This mainly includes outlays for Medicaid, children's health, and subsidies. According to the Budget Committee's staff, though, the real 10-year cost of the Senate Finance Committee bill when fully implemented would be closer to $2 trillion -- $1.8 trillion -- because the main spending provisions do not go into effect for another few years, starting in 2013. The taxes and the fees -- the new taxes, nearly $1 trillion in taxes -- start right away, over the full 10 years, but the benefits don't start until 2013. They make some other assumptions along the way such as that there will be a Medicaid commission, which will cut Medicare more. Well, those procedures haven't worked so far. And if there are savings in Medicare, they should be spent on Medicare, not to start some new program. So Republicans -- and, we hope, discerning Democrats -- are not scaring seniors about Medicare; these bills are scaring seniors about Medicare. And they have a right to be worried. They have a right to be worried because they are the 40 million Americans who depend on Medicare. Just answer the question for yourself. If we are going to take $1/2 trillion out of your Medicare Program that the trustees say is going to go broke in a few years and spend it on someone else, what does that do to your Medicare benefits? It puts them in more jeopardy, is the only obvious answer to that. So we have proposals that, so far, cut Medicare, raise taxes, raise premiums, add to the debt, transfer expenses to the State that Democratic and Republican Governors say will bankrupt some States -- these are the Medicaid Programs -- and they create a new government-run program. I am already getting e-mails from businesspeople in Tennessee who said that if a bill like this goes through, they are out of providing health care to their employees, they can't stand the costs. And so millions of Americans will be losing their employer insurance and shifting over to the new government program which is being paid for by grandma's Medicare. That is the scheme that is being put together here. So here is what we know about the Congressional Democratic health care plan which is 2,000 pages long: higher premiums, Medicare cuts, higher taxes, more debt. It is a government-run plan. When you put the whole scheme together, if you are one of the 177 million whose employer provides insurance to you, you run a great risk -- let's say it this way -- of losing your employer insurance because the employer says: I can't afford to provide it anymore, and plus, the government started a new program, so you go over to the government program. That could lead to rationing. Your Governor will tell you the States can't afford the costs being transferred to them, so that means either higher State taxes or higher college tuition to pay for the reduced payments to public higher education, and a $2 trillion cost over 10 years, according to the Wall Street Journal. That is not real health care reform. So what is real health care reform? What is the Republican plan or what hopefully could be a bipartisan plan that we could work on? We would suggest, and we have suggested this day after day, week after week, committee meeting after committee meeting: Let's start over. We are headed in the wrong direction. Let's go in the right direction. And the right direction is having the simple goal of reducing costs, costs to those paying for health care insurance, in their premiums, and the cost to the government, which we all have to pay for as well. And how do we do it? Instead of a big, comprehensive, 2,000-page, $2 trillion, full of surprises and mandates bill that terrifies everyone, let's go step by step in the right direction, which in this case is reducing costs. What would that mean? Well, No. 1, we could start with a small business health insurance plan. This permits small businesses all across America to pool their resources and leverage those resources. Let's say you are in a small business and there are 80 employees. Two people get very sick, and they use up all of the available money that small business has to help pay for employees' health care. The employer has to say, I have to reduce everybody's health care; or, I am sorry, I just can't offer it anymore. But if you allow that small business to join with small businesses all across America and pool their resources and leverage their money, then you have a different outcome. According to the Congressional Budget Office, that would mean 750,000 more Americans would be insured. It would mean three out of four people insured by small businesses would pay lower premiums. And it would reduce the cost of Medicaid, as those people went onto their own private insurance, by $1.4 billion. So more people insured at lower costs for premiums and less debt for Medicaid -- that is one step on which we should be able to agree. Senator Enzi and the late Senator Kennedy worked on that for a long time, but we have not passed it. Why don't we pass it as the first step? That is 88 pages; that is not 2,000 pages. Then a second step: Why don't we allow Americans to buy insurance across State lines? That increases competition. We have a number of bills that have been introduced that would allow that. Senator DeMint of South Carolina has one of those bills, and that is 30 pages, not 2,000 pages. Junk lawsuits. Virtually everyone who has looked at it agrees that lawsuits against doctors add to the cost of health care that we all pay. Some States have taken some steps and shown it makes a real difference. Maybe it is a small part of the cost, maybe it is a large part of the cost, but it is a part of the cost. Anyone who is injured -- anyone who is injured by a negligent doctor should be paid 100 percent of the damage to that person. But this would begin to restrict the punitive damages that are often added to that which greatly benefit the trial lawyer and increase the cost to all of us. So why don't we take steps to do this? We know of examples in my State of Tennessee -- and I am sure in virtually every State -- where OB/GYN doctors have moved out of rural counties because their medical malpractice premiums have gone through the roof. They just will not practice anymore. So pregnant women are having to travel to Memphis, 60 or 80 miles, for their prenatal health care and to deliver their babies. They do not have that service in the county where they live. This would help them, those women, and this would help reduce costs. So those are three steps we can take. A fourth step would be equal tax treatment for every individual on our health care tax policy. That is 21 pages. Information technology for health care -- this may take a few years to actually reduce costs, but virtually everyone agrees that the record keeping in our health care system is a great drag on the productivity and an obvious addition to the cost. Democrats as well as Republicans have worked on legislation to change this. There is a 13-page bill introduced by Senators Coburn, Burr, and Enzi. I am sure there are good proposals on the Democratic side. We could take that step. And that would be five steps. Then we could help create more health care exchanges. That is in many of the bills. It is common to many of them. It is a supermarket in which any individual can go to buy, more easily, a health care plan for that individual or for that person's family. It just takes eight pages to create better health care exchanges across this country. And then waste, fraud, and abuse. Senator LeMieux from Florida, the new Senator, made his maiden address on waste, fraud, and abuse. It is a scandal that, in the Medicaid Program, for example, $1 out of every $10 is waste, fraud, and abuse. That is $32 billion a year. We can go to work on that in a variety of ways, which he talked about this morning. That is just 21 pages. So there are seven steps in the right direction which are reducing health care costs. We should be able to take those steps in a bipartisan way. So we have a choice of approaches here in the Congress. The American people want real health care reform, but they do not believe that raising taxes, raising premiums, cutting Medicare, increasing the debt, and 2,000-page bills full of surprises are real health care reform. The American people are properly skeptical of a grand and risky scheme that claims we are wise enough to solve everything at once. They know we are more likely to mess up everything at once if we try such risky schemes. So to re-earn the trust of the American people, we should go step by step. Here is the choice: a 2,000-page bill or a 200-page bill. Sometimes, the assistant Democratic leader will come on the floor and say: Where is the Republican plan? I said to him yesterday, if he is waiting for Senator McConnell to bring a wheelbarrow in here with a 2,000-page Republican alternative that costs $2 trillion and is just our way to spend $2 trillion and is full of surprises and our grand and risky scheme, he is going to be waiting a long time because he is not going to see it. We are going to bring up several steps which we know will reduce costs, which we know we can afford, which we know will help people, which we know we can implement, and which we believe will have significant Democratic support as well as Republican support. So is it 2,000 pages or 200 pages? Reduce premiums or increase premiums? Reduce debt or increase debt? Cut Medicare and start some new program with it or make Medicare solvent by taking any savings we can find in Medicare and use it to help Medicare? Higher taxes -- I did not say much about that, but there is $900 billion of new taxes in the program when it is fully implemented in the Finance Committee program. And the Congressional Budget Office Director said the obvious about that -- by and large, most of those new taxes will be passed on to whom? Those of us who pay insurance premiums. So there is another reason your premiums are going up, and the cost. We should be able to enact a good health care plan this year. The country needs for us to do that. But we Republicans are offering a real choice to the American people. The American people are appropriately skeptical of risky schemes that run up the debt, cost $2 trillion, and are filled with higher premiums, more taxes, and Medicare cuts. To re-earn the trust of the American people, we should set a charge goal of reducing costs and move step by step in that direction. That is the Republican health care plan, and I believe that is a plan Republicans and Democrats can agree upon. I yield the floor.